Questions to Question?

Imru Zelleke

Demystification

First published on 11 August 2011



I would like people to read my message carefully and studiously. I am not advocating any political ideology but for Democracy, Human Rights and the Rule of Law to be the best system of governance for our country and for the future well being of our people. However, I believe that sometimes we must call a spade a spade and that our thoughts and behaviors must be based on the truth and not on fabricated myths. Yilugnita is a nice and elegant social behavior to avoid embarrassments or for scape-goating on difficult issues. Unfortunately it dominates our social comportment and more than often obfuscates the evident realities of our lives.


First of all we must reckon that we the people and communities in the Diaspora are exerting an important influence on events at home. The more our numbers have increased the more our umbilical cord with our country of origin has been strengthened by travel, instant communications, huge remittances of funds, businesses, investments, educational and social connections, etc. Therefore, the impact of our ideas and actions on events at home are substantial. Hence, for good or bad we have an unavoidable responsibility for what happens in Ethiopia. The fact that we are out of the country does not exonerate us from our duty to our people at home, for nothing else than Humanitarian reasons. I believe that any action we espouse should be based on the true whishes of the Ethiopian people and not on facts assumed and exposed by sundry interest groups. There have been too many notions and conditions, if not right out fabricated lies, imposed on the people without their understanding and consent by self-appointed elites. The proposition being that most people in Ethiopia are illiterate therefore stupid, we are educated we know better what is good for them


Were the people asked when their land and properties were confiscated and they were made rootless vagrants at the mercy of gun toting hoodlums? No.


Were the Ethiopian people asked when the country was land locked and lost its historic and legitimate access to the sea? No.


Were the people of Ethiopia consulted about the separation of Eritrea? No.


The choices offered to the Eritrean was to choose between slavery and freedom? Can you imagine anybody choosing slavery against freedom? Has anyone in Ethiopia ever known an Eritrean slave? No.


Were the people of Humera, Wolqait Tegede, Semen Wollo, and Afar consulted when they were integrated with Tigray? No.


Were the people of Ethiopia consulted to be split in arbitrary ethnic groups? No.


Have the Ethiopian people been consulted to choose their own ethnic enclave? No.


Have the people of Addis Ababa have been given the chance to choose their administrative status? No.


Have the Oromos been given any choice when adopting the Latin alphabet? No. They could have chosen Arabic, Hindi, or Chinese instead of European colonialist letters.


Didn't the thousands of people who died and were maimed in defense of Ethiopia's borders against the Shabia invasion come from all parts of the country as Ethiopians?


Were the people in the border areas consulted before being sold out summarily to the Sudan? No.


Were the people asked when millions of acres of fertile land were sold to foreigners? No.


It is too long an effort to catalog all the misconceptions and misrepresentations of facts introduced in our social and political fabric in the past thirty or so years. They distort the realities in which we live, leading us to confusion and self degradation. I say let's open our minds and face our problems openly without fear of retribution by anyone, or for personal gain. We have to rehabilitate our values and cultures and get rid of the demeaning foreign influences that have denigrated our existence and contaminated our noble traditions. 


When England bestowed to Emperor Haile Sellassie the Most Venerable Order of the Garter, it was not just for his person, but because he represented an ancient and noble nation, whose heroic history was reckoned by the whole world. This said, I don't mean that we return to old bypassed habits that are no more practicable; but to fund our new vision on the basis of the good values that exist in our cultures and mores.


On The eve of the 2005 elections I had written the following reflections, more for my inner self than for others, and later over the post-election 2010, wondering about what has changed since that tragic episode.


"

March 18, 2005


From outside the rat race.


Now that a new page has opened in Ethiopian politics and a chance to change regime in our country looms over the horizon, a lot of worms are coming out of the woodworks. Some old, some not so old and some new protagonists are appearing on the stage. Some we never heard from for the past three decades are crying loudly (in falsetto) their deep concern about the future, especially about who is going to be where, at the helm; obviously there are no other positions worthy of their talent. 


The new vulture nobility that has kept itself hidden, for the good of the country, from the risky climate of our unflattering history, is perceiving a light at the end of the tunnel. A new day in which it can shine and glitter without much pain or cost seems to be imminent. As to the downtrodden people who paid dearly to bring the change, in the hope of seeing if not getting something better, some political commerce sprinkled with a little gold dust should suffice. After all the vulture nobility considers them stupid and deserving no more than what they get.


The political parties striving in the land better watch-out not to be stampeded by the new arrivistes. These last ones have ample unused energy and a lot of reserve fat. Now. What will the vulture nobility do when it comes to power?Exactly what the guerilla nobility was doing, with a little more panache and smarter PR. Pray for Ethiopia.



July 18, 2010


Five years later and lot water having passed under the bridge, what happened and what is occurring in our beloved land and in the ever extending Diaspora community entails some new reflections. Probably not for the best but, but changes have happened. After the debacle of the 2005 election Meles & Co. had learned their lesson, and prepared themselves assiduously to win the next one at all costs. With threats, violence, bribes, graft, blackmail and all sorts of pressures exerted on the people by a well organized cadre and militia, and massive foreign support they won the 2010 election by 99.6 percent. Obviously these fantastic results have some drawbacks because nobody believes them to be true and they expose clearly the ridiculous charade that has been made to appear as a fair and open election.


Obviously, this extraordinary feat was accomplished with a large participation of the Amhara, Oromo, and other ethnic groups' vulture nobility, who seems to have increased and expanded substantially in the past five years, and is now a large faction of the regime's power base. Thus, the power base of the regime has moved from the periphery to the center, and the opposition has been annihilated. 

"


Now we are almost at the end of 2011, it is also time to ponder about what is facing us in the future. Do we have a credible national movement that embraces indiscriminately all Ethiopians? No yet. Yes, there are some active parties; unfortunately, they have put on auction the future sovereignty and integrity of the nation, with the hope that they can barter their own future in unpredictable conditions that might be favorable or not for some horse trading.


First of all we must recognize that no political party or group can deny an Ethiopian his citizenship, it is his God given immutable birthright, and his individual rights are inviolable. Hence, our future political democratic set-up must be based unequivocally on the principle of one person one vote, in one sovereign Ethiopian nation. There seems also to be some dichotomy about the concept of Unity, Andinet meaning the integrity and sovereignty of the nation on one hand and on the other unity or alliances between political factions. There shouldn't be any confusion about that, once a democratic system of governance is established, people can organize themselves freely into political, civic, religious, business, cultural and sundry associations as to fit their needs. For instance in a free election those that claim to have the largest number of the population would have nothing to fear, because they will dominate the politics by the share number of their voting members. Therefore, political parties and groups must realize that any other formula based on concocted group rights of any kind is not acceptable to the vast majority of the people, and will inevitably lead to mayhem and bloodshed. There are more than eighty million Ethiopians who are not likely to accept the dictate of power seeking groups, whatever their promises and incantations. When I hear the many volatile speeches that are made in public meetings and the enthusiastic applause they receive, it makes me wonder.


When the TPLF regime will depart, it will leave in its wake enormous political, social and economic problems that will need the good will and joint effort of the whole nation to solve and put the country back to normal conditions. Beside the huge disparity of income created by the monopolistic and kleptocratic rule of the TPLF regime, the ratio of poverty has expanded to include even the remaining fringe of middle class citizens. Moreover, a huge foreign presence has taken place in the form of aid, loans, investments, etc., that will impact the future development of the country. As the former head of the World Bank group in Ethiopia stated, the present development program that is implemented in the country is not sustainable, a sad prognosis for what comes next.


Let's put our ears on the ground and listen to what the people of Ethiopia are saying. Ultimately they are the ones who pay with their blood and flesh the price of our misdeeds. That is why I say that we should opt for a genuine national democratic movement and not for some compromise that will engender more problems than solutions. As the saying goes "the Devil is in the details", and compromises are an essential elements of the political process. However, there are limits and parameters under which they can be made. We should be more discerning and judgmental in our quest for an outcome that will benefit all the people of Ethiopia and will secure their freedom and wellbeing.


I appeal to the great number of the people in the Diaspora, particularly to the many thousands of professionals, educators, business men and women, students representing the silent majority of the community to organize in civic associations, and take an active role in maintaining the integrity and sovereignty of Ethiopia and the establishment of genuine democratic system in the country. We are privileged to live in this Great Country, where we are free to express ourselves and do what we deem just and air for our people, without fear and apprehensions.


Ethiopia lezelalem tenur.


Copyright © Imru Zelleke  All rights reserved

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By Imru Zelleke September 24, 2014
I am neither a scholar nor a historian. The following are broad brush strokes of my personal outlooks about the epoch I have lived in and strived. I leave the descriptive details off events and facts to professional historians. The 1974 revolution that replaced the Imperial Regime and gave birth to an era of terror and lawlessness, since then Ethiopian history has been subject to many interpretations according to the ideological, political and personal persuasion of the narrator. Although a lot of well researched books and papers have been published by Ethiopian and foreign authors alike, there is also a lot of writing that borders the surreal, particularly by political bodies and their members. Assumptions, speculations, misquotations, fabrications and exaggerations make poor history. In my view Ethiopian history has changed by somersaults during the past nine decades, especially after the Italian invasion of 1935. The post Minilik period was a time of internal contentions, the Lij Yassu regency concluded with the crowning of Empress Zewditu Minilik with the crown passing to Emperor Haile Sellassie on her death. Thus began the embryonic modernization of Ethiopia’s polity with Haile Sellassie pursuing Minilik’s policies, introducing a western education systems and other modern reforms. A written Constitution was adopted, and Ethiopia became a full-fledged member of the Society of Nations. The 1930 Constitution marked the beginning of a constitutional form of government and the end of feudalism, which was abolished further by the Italian occupiers who introduced a colonial system of governance. Although the occupation lasted only turbulent five years, it changed radically all aspects of the Ethiopian way of life. Primarily to consolidate their occupation and secure the future development of the colony, the Italians built a network of roads and infrastructures throughout the country. This factor revolutionized the traditional political, social and economic structure of the nation, by facilitating large population movements and commercial exchange amongst the various provinces. A uniform system of governance was also introduced, transforming radically the feudal relationship between the rulers and the people. The post liberation era 1941/1973 was a time of reestablishing the state and keeping the integrity of the nation. Thanks to the popularity of the Emperor and patriots forces the country remained united. Starting with establishing a new government administration the challenge was extremely onerous, there was no money but a small loan granted by the British; there was no trained personnel but a handful people with formal education; no equipment of any kind as the British forces had taken away anything movable even office and household furniture; all Italians were also evacuated, depriving us of some technical labor. In spite of some difficulties created by the British in the early years, by 1960 the government was firmly established. Organic Laws were codified, National Bank and National Currency, Ethiopian Commercial Bank, Ethiopian Airline, Highway Authority, Telecommunications’ Board and many other institutions and structural changes were made. Eritrea was federate with the motherland and Ethiopia had regained a direct access to the sea. However, the political system did not evolve according to the innovations the country underwent with its socio-economic development and its large exposure to the world. Addis Ababa had become the HQ of the OAU, the ECA and of many International organizations, increasing the country’s role in world affairs. Nevertheless, domestically all powers remained centered with the Emperor, all officials were by appointment and the Parliament although partially elected was actually an advisory body with limited prerogatives. The Emperor, lulled by his worldwide popularity was more focused on world affairs than those of the interior. The first shock came in 1960 with the Mengistu Newaye attempted coup d’etat, that culminated with the senseless murder of some of the most important leaders whose voice influenced all Imperial decisions. Unfortunately, the Emperor nor his government learned much from this tragic event, although the country was fermenting with discontent from all classes of society and things went on as usual. Triggered by the famine in Wollo this period climaxed with the 1974 revolution, spearheaded by students and joined by the military. To their credit the Emperor and all high officials surrendered peacefully all powers to the revolutionary. Although their peaceful surrender did not prevent their eventual assassinations. Thus, began the Ethiopian tragic Odyssey. The revolution had started with a lot of ignorance and good intentions by most of the student’s movements, slogans such as “land to the tiller” had some popular appeal, although land ownership in Shoa, Wollo, Begemdir, Tigray and Gojiam was communal, and it was a matter of returning to the rest the ownership to the “tiller” that was already in place, in his ancestral land. The actual intention was to disown the people of any property, and have full control of the peasantry that consisted of eighty-five percent of the population. The same goes to the campaign of “Idget Behibret”, whereby high school teen agers were dispersed around the country to foster a development nobody knew about including its authors. Again this was contrived to break-up the student movement from growing into a political force on its own. It was also a malefic program contrived to denigrate the middle class. Thus, a whole generation of youngsters were thrown into an unplanned and disorganized foray, where many were diseased, raped, maimed and perished. The revolution turned into a murderous struggle for power amongst the revolutionary themselves, one faction allying themselves with the ignorant and uncouth military subalterns and providing them with some half backed Marxist political notions. Eventually, the military took over all powers after a campaign of terror and mayhem in which thousands of innocent young people lost their life; millions lost their livelihood, their property and even a modicum of basic rights. The governance of the country fell to a regime with no moral compulsion of any kind, but brute force and unbound lawlessness. After seventeen years of misrule that destroyed and tainted the historical and traditional values of Ethiopia, maligned its institutions and cultural vestiges, denigrated its defense establishment and left a bankrupt country to the vagaries of an ill fated future. The power vacuum left by the Derg regime was replaced by an ethnic cabal in the guise of an alliance with other liberation movements led by the TPLF. Admittedly, they fought and won the battle on the ground, but they also abandoned their Marxist leaning for some sort democratic platform that won them the support of the US and other powers and institutions, without giving up their ruthless and corrupt governance. They have conceded to the independence of Eritrea land locking Ethiopia, and transferred a large amount of national territory to the Sudan. With the preceding nationalization the ownership of the land having passed to the state, millions of acres of prime land are sold to foreign investors on concessionary terms. Under the governing tribal oligarchy all economic and financial institutions are owned and controlled by the regime through state or party owned corporations and affiliates. Large infrastructure projects such as dams, railroad, highways, industrial and agricultural projects have been undertaken through international, bilateral loans and private investments. Depending on the source the Ethiopian economic development has risen from six to ten percent a year in the last decade, resulting in huge disparity of income, that leaves the ninety-eight percent of the people in retched poverty, and endows Ethiopia with the highest brain drain in the world. Debt servicing has also risen over $1.2 Billion per year, in addition to capital evasion that amounts to more than $20 Billion since 2004. Corruption and malfeasance at all levels of governance are the modus operandi of the regime; with the extensive political and financial support of the US the EU and sundry “democratic” countries. Presently, we have entered a New Year 2007 EC and a new national election is to be held in a few months, most probably with the same concocted results as the preceding one in 2009 when the TPLF/EPRDF won by 99.6 percent. On this occasion the regime says barefacedly to have spent some 900 million Birr from the national budget to promote its own election, at the expense of the public. However, due to the general disappointment, particularly with donor countries, that its loutish and coercive governance is causing, and fearing that the growing opposition might turn violent, the regime may be pressured to make some nominal political space to affiliated parties, while maintaining the monopoly of power until the next election in 2012 EC. The emergence of a burgeoning middle class seeking to maintain its status in a stable and lawful political system, plus foreign elements wanting security for their investments, may induce the regime to give some space to some selected parties. Nevertheless, in spite all the political gerrymandering, sooner or later the failure of the deficient regime is inevitable. The question is what bodes for our country after the present tribal clique will lose powers in one way or another? Is it going to be a tribal battle ground by parties contending for power of some kind? Or even separation? Or, a most likely outcome, another civil-cum-military dictatorship will replace the present oligarchy? Where are the Ethiopian people in all this tumult played over their destiny? What do the powerless multitude of the opposition factions promise? Will it be another half-baked compromise under the macabre dance of peaceful struggle, or political reconciliations over the head of the real stake holders, the people of Ethiopia? The following is a personal comment for those indulging in the Politics of our country; it should not be construed as a self promotion. Given my age, I am quite conscious my own limitations, I merely want to impart my views about the future politics of our country. This message is mainly addressed to the young generation; it does not exclude the veterans of our political melee, but for those with an unsavory past as high officials of the delinquent Derg regime. After all politics are implemented by people, its success or failures are measured by their integrity and irreproachable demeanors in office. When in 1948 we joined the UN forces in the Korean conflict, the standard of living of the Korean people at that time was not better than our own, the same could be said of China’s after the traumatic ordeal of the cultural revolution. When I visited Panama in 1949, but for the American Base and some official sites, the city was a slum with a couple of hotels and sundry shops, today Panama rates with 61% of wellbeing on a world scale. While these countries and others around the world have achieved a high degree of development, why have we failed? is a legitimate question to ask ourselves? Ethiopia is a great country whose history dates from ancient times, our land is varied and rich that contains large natural resources of all kinds, from agriculture to minerals, and abundant water and energy potentials. The Ethiopian people are intelligent, courageous, cultured and diligent in all endeavors. Their social mores and moral values are second to none. With all this spiritual and material wealth in our hands, shouldn’t we have achieved higher standards of wellbeing for our people? Why have we become a swarm of terrorized and servile citizens deprived of their birthright in their own country? Ethnic and cultural divisions have been imposed on us by the point of the gun, creating disharmony and animosity amongst people. It is time to say NO to this unjust and abusive rule. The remedy for this sad situation is a national democratic political movement genuinely geared towards restoring freedom and justice to the people of Ethiopia. It is not ideas and methods that are lacking, a plethora of political programs have been pronounced by many parties; most of them advocating democratic principles in their own terms. However, personal rivalry and diverging objectives that prevail amongst leaders, has impeached the formation of a united national front. Consequently, no party has been able to establish a constituency large enough to play a leading political role. The only successful political coalition was Kinijit, whose winning a popular majority was revoked forcibly by the regime. Kinijit’s ambivalent leadership was also instrumental for its demise. Assuming that the regime will remain in power for the next five years, I believe that the opposition must belong to the young generation whose future is at stake. They would have the contemporary vision and the energy to regenerate and build a new Ethiopia. In fact this is already occurring in the country where the youth have already taken the vanguard of the democratic movement as exemplified by Skender Nega, Andulam Arage, Reeyot Alemu, “group9” bloggers, and scores of journalists and activists, the Semayawi Party and countless others that are persecuted and imprisoned around the country. What they need a strong support from all elements of the society, particularly from the community in the Diaspora that enjoys freedom of action with abundant human and material resources. Unfortunately the opposition parties in the Diaspora are fragmented and the leadership still tied up to defunct notions and groups, that do not reflect the present realities in Ethiopia. Neither have they have been a convincing voice to influence the foreign affairs establishments of relevant countries. Aspiring for power over ninety million people from ten thousand miles away seems to border the fantastic, internally Ethiopia is not lacking of talented people. I believe that the youth in the Diaspora should organize itself into an effective and credible pro-democratic movement representing legitimate parties at home, instead of wasting time in useless pal-talk and sundry internet debates. It is time to open a new page of Ethiopian history. Imru Zelleke
By Imru Zelleke December 31, 2013
A year has passed leaving us with the nostalgia of things past, but also with the distinct feeling that this year been a turning point in Ethiopia’s destiny. The general lethargy prevailing over the mood of the Diaspora community, that had found comfort, distraction and even amusement in devotional practice, the restaurant/bar scene and gossipy rumours, has awaken with a surge of patriotic fervour. What caused this high irruption and indignation was the loutish behaviour of the Saudis towards the Ethiopian citizens who had migrated to their country in search of some menial job which they could not get in their own land. Migration of Ethiopians to Arab and other lands has been going on for forty years. Beginning from our murderous revolution, which has denied the people of basic human rights, confiscated their properties, abolished law and order executed mass assassination and imprisonment of innocent unarmed citizens; then collapsed disgracefully and surrendered the country to a regime of ethnic servitude. For those of us who were lucky enough to find refuge in civilized countries where we have lived in peace and freedom and even prospered, the sad fate of our unlucky compatriots is not new. What is surprising is this sudden awareness or “prise de conscience” and angry Diaspora manifestation against the Saudi Kingdom in particular. Ethiopian refugees are spread all over the Arab lands thus the selective indignation at the Saudis is rather bizarre, unless is it because of their enormous wealth. Anyway, it has caused the creation of a Global Alliance of the Diaspora to deal with the problem of Ethiopian immigrants. Most of the immigrants in Saudi Arabia being already repatriated back home, it is sending a fact finding mission to Yemen. However, sending an inquiry commission is a good gesture, it denotes a serious commitment from the Diaspora regarding the fate of Ethiopian immigrants. At least it might give some hope to those whose conditions are desperate. I also hope that it will not fizzle out into some publicity stunt, because it is a very grave problem that requires large amounts of funds and sustained logistical support. The death of the venerable President Mandela and the contribution that Ethiopia has made to the struggle against the white racist regime in South Africa was discussed at length, and justly so. This gave occasion for some of our intrepid reporters to resuscitate and interview Mengistu Haile Mariam and some of his collaborators. Since Mengistu’s role in the Mandela history and his opinion of the present TPLF regime is utterly irrelevant, one would have thought that a subject of great interest, primarily for the young generation of Ethiopians, would have been his own murderous history. How with US assistance he arranged to hand-over the country to the TPLF, and himself escape with his family and friends, betraying the Ethiopian Army and the country. This was one of the most violent and horrific pages of Ethiopian history for which he is accountable, and worth remembering for future generation. I have a lot of respect for the valuable service that ESAT has given for the Ethiopian people in opening a free access to information that is denied to them by the present regime. Myself having had the opportunity to express my views on ESAT, I am grateful for the chance given to me. However, I was deeply outraged together with millions of Ethiopians, by the callous indifference shown by ESAT for the enormous suffering and crimes committed by Mengistu against the Ethiopian people. We all respect and aspire to a democratic Ethiopia where the freedom of expression will be a fundamental tenet of its governance, we also believe that freedom has also its limits when it is concerned with acts of genocide and crimes against humanity. Unless of total amnesia, seventeen years of lawless bloody mayhem and genocide cannot be ignored. A serious apology is in order. The end of this year marks also the fortieth anniversary of the calamitous Ethiopian Odyssey. Four decades of pain and pangs, of terror and persecution that still continues. It should also be time to ponder over our lasting failure to bring solace and peace to our people. I don’t think that it is a mysterious phenomenon that impeaches our actions, but the lack of courage to face unpleasant circumstances in their real context. The TPLF came to power by a long and protracted struggle in the field by which they gained political power, and the recognition of major foreign nations. The opposition for its part being totally absent from the ground, was incapable to assume any role out of the debacle left by the Mengistu regime. The only opportunity that was offered to the opposition was the election of 2005 when it received a large public support, that was forcibly shanghaied by the regime, and against which the opposition had nothing to counter with. To add insult to injury the leaders of the opposition were sent to prison, a measure that still continues to be practiced against all opposition politicians, journalists and Human Rights activist .Yet, in spite of its blatant violations of all democratic principles of governance, international aid continued to flow in support of the regime. It was Senator Barry Goldwater of the US who said that “Extremism in the defense of liberty is no vice, moderation in the pursuit of justice is no virtue”, which might describe the criteria lacking in the spirit of the opposition and the cause of its chronic demise. Forty years of continuous failure to form a coherent and effective political movement cannot be explained otherwise. This year was also the 100th anniversary of the passing of the beloved national hero Emperor Menilik II. His memory should remind us of the best patriotic character of our cultures and traditions. Recommended reading by Tekle Tsadik Mokria, Paulos Gnogno, Professor Sergewu H. Sellassie, etc. Ethiopia is not a Paper Tiger created by some fiction, it is a nation built by sweat and blood, with thousand years of heroic defence of its independence. Unfortunately, of late, her destiny had fallen into the hands of an alienated generation that has destroyed its great heritage with nothing to replace it. The rebirth of the nation will demand a lot of soul searching and a return to those basic values of our own. We are not Europeans, Asians, Arabs or others, throughout millennia of interactions we have evolved our own civilization and way of life. Our traditional manners and morals are second to none. The fermenting affairs of the Diaspora never cease to distract us with new subjects and events. A formation of a Transition Government has been announced by a Transition Council who counts amongst its members a member of the former Imperial Crown, a high official of the Derg and sundry people of undetermined background. It would be interesting to know what this new government will be, and from where to where the transition will proceed. Whatever the case organizations created in the Diaspora, more than often, have a resonant name containing little substance. Therefore, it is wiser to check the personal history of the people in the leadership, and avoid embarrassments running after a ghost. On the bread and butter side a lot of development projects are implemented in Ethiopia; in fact the amount of money involved is simply staggering. Foreign investors seem to have found a worthwhile environment for their business in Ethiopia, in spite of serious comments made concerning the viability and sustainability of a development dependent on foreign aid and deficit financing. China announced recently a 16.5 Billion project financing program, that may involve the influx of maybe a million Chinese citizens? In the meantime the same amount of money or more, is to have taken the high road out of Ethiopia. Having become foreigners in their own country, but for a very small minority, the Ethiopian people are estranged from all these developments. To crown the year with unique originality the TPLF regime has put under arrest the Patriarch of the Ethiopian Orthodox Church, an event that has not happened in the 1600 years of the Church History, but maybe once. I guess that the regime has taken this action out of a profound sense of fairness, to balance its own outrageous behaviour against our Muslim community. It could also be out of the profound paranoia and apprehension that things are getting out of control. Monopoly of power captured by a mafia ethnic cabal, dominated by pervasive corruption and inefficiency, that have little respect even for their own keen have doubtful permanency. After many years of reflection a matter for which I have yet to find a rationale is our relations with Eritrea and Somalia. Years of bloody conflicts, misery and mayhem have brought neither peace nor freedom to anyone. We all have a good and industrious population, we each have abundant natural resources, and we have no external enemies. We had the opportunity and the time to build reasonably stable and progressive societies. Yet, we have failed our people and our countries. If we look at the progress that China has accomplished in the last three decades, ours conclusion would be comparable to marching backward during the same amount of time. Characteristic of our peculiarity the heroes of Eritrean independence Woldab Woldemariam and Issayas Afwerki are both Tigrean while the many TPLF leaders are Eritrean. Cost accounting resulting from their conflicts and contentions, millions in human losses, displacement and all round misery that still continues to keep our people in a quagmire of poverty, ignorance and backwardness. Yet, there are more Somalis living in Addis Ababa than in Mogadiscio, more Eritreans living in Addis than in Asmara. With some common sense in their leadership the Countries of the Horn could have realized an advanced and prosperous community that could have been an asset to World peace and stability. Personally I have faith in our people and that they will overcome the obstacles that constrain their growth, and will emerge healthy and strong nations in the near future. Let’s do it!!! I wish all a Very Happy and Prosperous New Year. ETHIOPIA LEZELALEM TINOUR.
By Imru Zelleke January 5, 2013
Watching TV last night I saw the Governor of New Jersey (R) and politicians of New York protesting vehemently over the delay to provide disaster relief for the victims of the storm that occurred two months ago. The Republican dominated House, busy haggling over the fiscal cliff, had forgotten or delayed voting for the appropriation. Eventually it did so at the last minute by voting for a small portion of it, leaving the matter for future bickering. Thousands of people are homeless and with no power, no water and without help in this bitter winter. In fact a few days after the storm the matter was set aside, the media had stopped talking about it. The game of outguessing each other by pundits and alike about who would jump over the cliff was in vogue, while human suffering was not forgotten but neglected. This reminded me of the famine that occurred in Ethiopia forty years ago. The foreign press went wild about it, a gamut of artists, entertainers, organizations were mobilized, and songs were written for it. In the domestic scene the Emperor and his government were blamed and accused for it. Like the present “cliff” in the US, the government was suffering from an internal crisis of enfeebled leadership. There was sufficient food and resources in the country to meet the crisis and quell the famine. Unfortunately, the government had become dysfunctional and subject to intrigues and power struggle amongst individuals and groups. The famine added to the general public dissatisfaction became a catalyst for the revolution; that ended up with a most violent loss of life and breakup of the nation’s spirit that has lasted to present days. The parallel comes to mind when considering the conditions and times that such crisis happens. On one side we have a poor and backward country Ethiopia that could not handle a famine, although it had the means to do so, because of politics. On the other hand forty years later we have the most powerful, the richest and most advanced nation in the world failing to help its own citizens, because of politics. However disproportionate the comparison, the common denominator being the failure of politics and of human society. Happy New Year. IZ